Los populismos europeos crecen en la tierra baldía de la crisis, la pobreza, la ignorancia y descomposición de los paisajes políticos en Francia, Italia, España, Grecia, Hungría y Alemania.
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España y Francia piden a Europa (UE) 60.000 y 48.000 millones de euros, respectivamente, esperando que ese dinero (barato) permita “relanzar” unas economías amenazadas por el déficit, las deudas y un crecimiento siempre insuficiente para producir riqueza.
Como en los años dorados de la “euroforia” (80 y 90 del siglo XX), la “ilusión” y la “esperanza” vendrían de Europa, cuando Europa está ella misma empantanada en la tierra de nadie que Timothy Garton Ash describe de este modo:
First, the eurozone. Loukas Tsoukalis, a pro-European expert, notes that “the design was wrong, and so was membership”. Too many, too diverse economies were hitched together in a common currency without a common treasury.
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Election after election, opinion poll after opinion poll, has revealed that European voters are deeply disillusioned with their current politics and political elites. That expresses itself both in more apathy and in more votes for anti-establishment, anti-system parties of every colour – from Hungary’s Jobbik and France’s Front National, through Britain’s Ukip, and Germany’s Alternative for Germany, all the way to Italy’s Five Star Movement, Spain’s Podemos and Greece’s Syriza.
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If this is so within the member states of the EU, how much more is it true of the European institutions? Planet Brussels has become the showcase example of remote elites. The television shots from European summits show endless middle-aged men in suits getting in and out of large black cars.
Despite direct elections to, and enhanced powers for, the European parliament, there is scant sense of popular representation. And there is no pan-European political theatre. Fewer than 500,000 Europeans watched any of this spring’s three pan-European televised debates between the main party groupings’ Spitzenkandidaten (lead candidates) for the post of European commission president, whereas more than 67 million Americans watched the first US presidential debate between Barack Obama and Mitt Romney in 2012.
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Third ground for gloom: there is no shortage of manifestos, plans and books dedicated to saving the European Union, but most of them are written by people the wrong side of 50. Appeals for more “leadership” pour from retired leaders, who imply that everything was better in their day. The Guardian, 7 diciembre 2014, Timothy Garton Ash, Let the next generation speak up for Europe.
Las negritas son mías.
Crisis europea que atiza el fuego populista.
Un proyecto europeo empantanado y en crisis.
Avejentadas élites europeas atrincheradas en sus despachos pagados por unos contribuyentes que se consideran víctimas amenazadas por burocracias y élites irresponsables.
Incomprensión y desinterés hacia una Europa burocrática muy alejada de quienes son víctimas de la pobreza, la corrupción y la angustia social.
España, bien situada en el ranking de la fragmentación de Europa.
Las crisis de Europa y los EE.UU. vistas por Garton Ash y Quiñonero.
La crisis de Europa, vista por Quiñonero y Timothy Garton Ash.
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